March 14, 2025 - 11:00am

Russian President Vladimir Putin has stopped short of rejecting the US-proposed unconditional 30-day ceasefire, but neither has he accepted it. “The idea itself is correct […] but there are issues to discuss,” he said yesterday.

Putin’s rhetorical sidestep is an unsurprising but nonetheless important reminder that achieving a lasting peace in Ukraine will not be easy. US President Donald Trump still hopes for a quick settlement, telling reporters yesterday that “we have to get [the war] over with fast”. The sentiment is admirable, but Trump and his advisors should not let their ambition for a deal — or their desire for speed — come before American interests, even if this means walking away.

While Trump’s Oval Office blow-up with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky made clear the divergence between US and Ukrainian interests, Putin’s refusal to immediately accept the 30-day ceasefire shows that America and Russia do not share a common interest either. Winning on the battlefield as Ukraine barely hangs on, Putin has no incentive to agree to a ceasefire right now, especially a temporary one that would allow Ukraine to rest and regroup. It’s true that Russia’s army would also benefit from a pause in fighting, but Ukraine is considerably more desperate. Putin’s best move is to press on Kyiv’s weaknesses, maximising his leverage before negotiating.

Trump might try to force Putin to the bargaining table, either by imposing sanctions — as he threatened in January — or stepping up military aid to Ukraine. Yet he’s likely to find this approach much less successful with Russia than it was with Ukraine. Putin has already survived three years of punishing economic and financial sanctions, and is not dependent on the United States to keep his war machine running.

Putin did not shut the door on the US proposal, however, signalling a willingness to halt ongoing hostilities if certain conditions are met. Among these is the requirement that any ceasefire leads to a long-term settlement which would “solve the root causes” of the 2022 invasion — a reference to Russia’s demands for a neutral Ukraine, kept outside of Nato and with no European or American forces based inside the country.

These demands should not be a dealbreaker for the United States, because they don’t force Washington to give much up. The Trump administration has already ruled out Nato membership and US security guarantees or troops for Ukraine. The European option, including security guarantees and a peacekeeping force led by British and French soldiers, is largely a distraction. Europe is not capable of stationing a force of any meaningful size in Ukraine without US logistical support, and in any case lacks the political will to do so without a US backstop.

The most credible way to ensure Ukraine’s future security remains armed neutrality. This would leave Kyiv with no security guarantees, but still sufficiently well-equipped to defend itself without external support. It’s also the approach most aligned with Washington’s interests, as it leaves the US with no enduring commitments to Ukraine.

Trump and his advisors will need to push back on some of Putin’s conditions, however, including those which require onerous caps on Ukraine’s military. If Washington wants a lasting peace that allows for long-term US-Russia relations, Ukraine must be able to defend itself. Mutual assurances between Kyiv and Moscow that place geographic limits on military forces, long-range strike systems or military exercises could be one way to extract Russian concessions while reducing Ukrainian anxiety about a peace with no external guarantees.

At this point, America’s primary interest in Ukraine is to wind down its own involvement, both to conserve resources and reduce the risk of entanglement in a direct war with Russia. Trump and his advisors have a narrow path to peace, and they’ll be seeking to avoid any agreement which ties America down in Ukraine or concedes too much to Russia. No deal may just be better than a bad one.


Jennifer Kavanagh is a senior fellow and director of military analysis at Defense Priorities.
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