November 24, 2024 - 8:00am

Before this year’s general election, Reform UK leader Nigel Farage said his aim was to follow in the footsteps of the Right-wing party that usurped Canada’s Progressive Conservatives in the early Nineties. “They are the model. That’s the plan,” he claimed, even naming his own party after the Canadian upstarts.

When the Progressive Conservatives were defeated in 1993, the Reform Party won a staggering 26 times as many seats as the established party of the Right. In the UK’s July election, the situation was almost exactly the reverse. The Conservatives, although suffering the worst defeat in their history, still won 24 times as many seats as Reform. But while the Tories remain the principal centre-right party, Reform’s success at recent by-elections shows that the party might not have to wait until the next election to shake up the British political system.

Some 2,240 councillors are up for election in May, more than half of whom are Conservatives elected in the heady days when Boris Johnson was popular and the Tories were receiving credit for the Covid-19 vaccine rollout. Reform barely featured in the contest and won just two seats. They are determined to be a bigger force this time, having snapped up two victories in recent council by-elections in Kent.

Farage has said that he will be “throwing the kitchen sink” at next May’s elections and has pledged to stand in every single English County Council seat. Analysis by Election Maps UK shows the net impact they could have. Since the election, in seats where Reform hasn’t stood a candidate, the Tories have recovered and gained 3.6% of the vote share; where Reform has been on the ballot, the Conservatives have lost 2.8%. A repeat of those results would certainly get in the way of the Conservative Party recovering its electoral strength.

Of course, Reform could lose salience with a good performance from new Tory leader Kemi Badenoch and her fresh shadow cabinet. And playing the role of spoiler to a Tory recovery could also pose a risk for Farage’s popularity. It could associate Reform not with taking on the government or the “establishment” but with enabling Labour and the Lib Dems. To coin a phrase: if you come for the Tories, you better not miss. If you do, as so far Farage has, you will simply fracture the Right and embolden the Left. Reform voters may grow disillusioned with voting Reform and getting Labour or the Lib Dems.

Farage will be hoping that 2024’s election, which saw the party pick up four million votes, could merely be a stepping stone to their eventual dominance of the Right. Instead of England’s local elections, Wales’ Senedd contest in 2026 may be their best opportunity. Back in July, Reform were nipping at the Tories’ heels in Leave-voting Wales, polling just 17,000 fewer votes. (Reform could have been closer still; the party failed to nominate a candidate in Blaenau Gwent and Rhymney, where their candidate withdrew after allegations of reposting racist content online.)

If Reform can improve on this performance, they could truthfully call themselves Wales’ principal Right-wing party. Scotland will no doubt be more difficult. That said, even in the Labour heartland of Maryhill in Glasgow, Reform came third in this week’s council by-election. Success in Wales could become a blueprint for the rest of the country.

But their Canadian lodestars offer a warning. Back in 1993, Canadian Reform managed to take on the mantle of the Right, but not the government and over three elections they helped the Canadian Liberals form majority administrations. Farage may yet find that even if Reform overtakes the Tories, the result will only be a more deeply fractured, not united, Right.


Lee David Evans is an historian of the Conservative Party and the John Ramsden Fellow at the Mile End Institute at Queen Mary, University of London.

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