November 17, 2024 - 5:00pm

“Trump’s pro-Israel cabinet picks upset Muslims who voted for him,” readsReuters headline from this week. In the piece, a range of Muslim Americans who voted for the President-elect lament that he has chosen several cabinet officials who favour a strong security relationship with Israel and who have downplayed the rights of the Palestinians.

“It seems like this administration has been packed entirely with neoconservatives and extremely pro-Israel, pro-war people, which is a failure on the side of President Trump, to the pro-peace and anti-war movement,” Rexhinaldo Nazarko, executive director of the American Muslim Engagement and Empowerment Network, is quoted as saying.

Many of Trump’s Muslim backers had hoped, for instance, that he would appoint as secretary of state Ric Grenell, an official from his first administration who helped lead Muslim outreach ahead of this election. The pick of Marco Rubio, a comparatively conventional hawk and strident supporter of the Israeli government, seems to have ruffled feathers in the community.

Does this mean that Muslim voters were betrayed by Trump? Was his outreach ahead of the election nothing more than a cynical ploy? And will Muslims go running back into the Democratic camp in 2028? For now, it’s too soon to make any assumptions.

In 2000, a majority of Muslim Americans backed Republican George W. Bush for president. The community had long been known as socially conservative and business-minded, so the GOP proved a natural home for them. But the Iraq War horrified Muslims in the US, leading many of them to flee to the Democrats. They continued to vote blue for another 20 years, but this year a large number either voted Republican or for a third-party candidate.

It’s possible that this was a one-off protest vote, yet there are signs that a greater realignment may be underway. Even before the war in Gaza, which served as a tipping point to drive votes away from the Democrats, many Muslims felt that the party had leaned too far into divisive social issues.

In recent battles between conservatives and progressives about school curricula, for example, many Muslim Americans have been standing on the same side as the Republican Party. In Hamtramck in Michigan, America’s only city with an entirely Muslim government, Mayor Amer Ghalib endorsed Trump in September, citing not just the war in Gaza but battles over LGTBQ issues as a turning point for his support of the Republican Party.

As the Democrats become increasingly socially progressive, many Muslim voters probably figure that even if Trump’s stance on arming Israel proves to be roughly the same as Joe Biden’s, at least they can win more domestic policy from the GOP.

That doesn’t mean that the Republicans should take backing from Muslim Americans — or any of the other minority groups in which voters swung further to the Right — for granted. Swing voters are by their nature not hardened partisans. If Trump governs particularly poorly in terms of either domestic or foreign policy, it wouldn’t be surprising to see Muslim and Arab Americans return to the Democratic Party.

While it’s true that Trump doesn’t have to be re-elected, he does have an interest in his legacy. His likely successor JD Vance would in 2028 rely on the same multiethnic working-class coalition that Trump assembled in this election, while Republicans will need diverse votes in mid-term elections before then.

Even with a cabinet stacked full of conventional GOP hawks, Trump has one advantage: it’s likely that the Israelis trust him a lot more than they would’ve ever trusted the Democrats. If he can work his dealmaking powers to bring a swift end to the wars in Gaza and Lebanon — and avoid a much bigger war with Iran — while at the same time capturing the middle on social and economic policy, it’s possible that he can maintain the Muslim alliance with the Republican Party. More than that, this coalition could extend many years beyond 2024.


Zaid Jilani is a journalist who has worked for UC Berkeley’s Greater Good Science Center, The Intercept, and the Center for American Progress.

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