February 4, 2025 - 10:40am

The war in Ukraine has often been framed as the clash of two political systems, with Kyiv portrayed as the besieged democracy striving to defend itself against the onslaught of Russian dictatorship. Yet, through no fault of its own, Ukraine has not been acting very democratically of late.

Since 2019, the country has held neither presidential nor parliamentary elections due to their indefinite postponement under martial law. The Kremlin has long pushed the narrative that this deprives Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky of his legitimacy as leader, and more recently Moscow has used this as a delaying tactic to avoid engaging in peace talks.

This could have remained a largely academic question were it not for US Special Envoy for Ukraine and Russia Keith Kellogg saying the following last weekend: “In most democracies, elections take place even during wartime. I think it’s important. I believe it’s good for democracy.” Inevitably, Russia threw its weight behind these comments, with Kremlin spokesperson Dmitri Peskov claiming that “we are proceeding from the assumption that the Ukrainian President does not have the right to hold such talks.”

Kellogg’s strategy reportedly involves Ukraine heading to the polls following an initial truce with Russia, before the eventual winner negotiates a longer-term peace deal with Moscow. Yet, in reality, such a plan would prove not only difficult but destructive.

Consider the numerous practical obstacles. Moscow’s hold over the occupied territories of Ukraine would make it impossible for voters there to participate. Yet to organise elections without them would demonstrate that the areas are no longer Ukrainian territory — an acknowledgement that Moscow would undoubtedly use in negotiations to claim that Kyiv has already legally recognised the loss.

Should elections be held in person, there is no guarantee that Moscow would resist the opportunity to bomb civilians en masse at rallies or voting booths. Besides, even during a truce, Ukraine would still need soldiers at the front in case Russia did not respect the ceasefire. That raises questions of how people could vote or run for office at the front line or while living abroad as refugees. An alternative would be online voting — a gift to Russian hackers. Whether ballots are counted online or in person, Moscow’s misinformation campaigns would likely be conducted on a massive scale in a bid to replace Zelensky with a pro-Kremlin candidate likely to bow to Russia’s demands in any subsequent peace talks.

All that misinformation could then be used by Putin to sow doubt in the eventual result and further delay peace negotiations by questioning the President’s mandate, with the Kremlin already vowing that there will be no final peace until Ukraine has what Moscow judges to be a legitimate leader. If Putin were to adopt such a tactic, would the conflict be restarted, frozen along current lines, or subject to another election until Moscow is satisfied?

That is not the limit to the benefits Russia could reap. Elections held immediately before negotiations would inevitably be dominated by discussions about the terms of any deal. As candidates competed according to their visions of the next stage, the debates provoked would open up divisions within Ukrainian society. Last year, Ukrainian MP Oleksandr Merezhko even claimed that far-Right groups in the country, determined to keep fighting, would seek to derail any agreement. Moscow could then refuse peace negotiations by claiming that the Kyiv government had been shown not to represent the views of a splintered Ukrainian society.

Zelensky has signalled his openness to run for a second term. He will presumably hope that it proves significantly less stressful than the first. Yet his willingness to potentially hold elections before negotiations is concerning. To do so is to risk Kyiv’s position in peace talks, and its hold over its own country.


Bethany Elliott is a writer specialising in Russia and Eastern Europe.

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